Mediterranean Economies 2023
DOI: 10.1401/9788815411167/c6
6.A longitudinal analysis of the Digital Economy and Society
Index (DESI): evidence from the EuroMed countries by Luisa Errichiello, Luigi Guadalupi and Francesco Andreottola
Notizie Autori
Luisa Errichiello CNR-ISMed, National Research Council, Institute
for Studies on the Mediterranean (errichiello@ismed.cnr.it).
Notizie Autori
Luigi Guadalupi CNR-ISMed, National Research Council, Institute
for Studies on the Mediterranean (guadalupi@ismed.cnr.it).
Notizie Autori
Francesco Andreottola CNR-ISMed, National Research
Council, Institute for Studies on the Mediterranean (andreottola@
ismed.cnr.it).
Abstract
The authors of the chapter examine how COVID-19 has affected ongoing
processes of digitalization in the EuroMed countries, taking into account the acceleration
in digital transition for many countries due to the Russia-Ukraine war. The analysis employs
a longitudinal dataset on digitalization produced by the European Union and measured through
the so-called Digital Economy and Society Index (DESI).
Introduction
In recent decades digital technologies
have become a pervasive element of economic and social activities, disrupting traditional
business practices, ways of working, communication and social interaction patterns and
generating new opportunities for productivity growth, innovation, economic development and
social welfare [Word Economic Forum 2018; Vagadia 2020]. These complex dynamics are widely
expressed in the scientific debate through the well-known paradigms of the «digital economy»
and «digital society».
The COVID-19 pandemic acted as a catalyst
for the digital transformation of businesses, industry, governments and society at large. With
so much activity moving online, there has been increased demand for digital reliance among
enterprises and consumers, accelerating a process of change already underway for decades. The
various measures adopted worldwide to contain contagion, notably social distancing and
lockdowns, constrained millions of firms to mitigate economic collapse through the shift to
online transactions and the remote organisation of work activities [Bolisani et
al. 2020; Gottlieb, Grobovšek and Poschke 2020]. Indeed, although teleworking
options were already available before the pandemic, the outbreak boosted digital
transformation processes aimed at implementing effective remote working. COVID-19 also pushed
firms, including SMEs, to exploit the potential of digital technologies to improve, re-think
or radically innovate their business models to avoid major losses or to turn the threats of
the emerging scenario into new opportunities for value creation and higher profitability
[Priyono, Moin and Putri 2020]. Broadly speaking, people’s daily routines, including consumer
¶{p. 176}behaviour, were profoundly affected by the COVID-19 pandemic, as
evidenced by the sharp increase recorded in virtual interactions, internet traffic and social
media use for many activities, such as learning, education, entertainment and buying online
[Mancl and Fraser 2020]. There is a fair consensus among researchers and practitioners that
the crisis has triggered some permanent changes in the economy and society, significantly
shaping the future trajectories of digitalization [Amankwah-Amoah et al.
2021]. Especially in some areas, such as teleworking, e-commerce, telehealth and digital
government services, the pandemic has clearly shown the potential of digital technologies. As
a result, the profound changes often connected to new strategies and planned investments have
made the return to pre-COVID patterns very unlikely. Indeed, prior to the pandemic, many
governments had already elaborated their digital nation strategy and put digital
transformation at the centre of their policy agendas [Klievink et al.
2017].
COVID-19 has significantly raised
scholarly interest in its impact on digitalization and the digital transformation of the
economy and society. Indeed, much has been written since the pandemic outbreak on the effects
of such a disruptive event on digital trends concerning economic activities and social life,
aiming to trace the potential paths of digitalization of business, governments and social
activities that are likely to characterise the post-COVID era. Although some consequences of
digitalization have been foreseen and guidelines on how to exploit the potential of digital
technologies have targeted businesses and governments, the existing knowledge base needs to be
consolidated for in-depth understanding of how COVID-19 has affected the ongoing processes of
digitalization worldwide. By going beyond mere speculation and excluding conceptual research
and grey literature, notably surveys carried out by international organisations (e.g., OECD;
ILO) or consulting companies (e.g., McKinsey), empirical research on this topic is still in
its infancy and warrants additional scholarly attention. Moreover, available studies are also
highly fragmented.
Fragmentation is also a consequence of
the complex and multi-faced nature of digitalization and digital transformation. Most studies
tend to focus on one or a few dimensions, aspects or facets of the digital economy and society
(e.g., digital skills, digital divide; digital business models, etc.).
¶{p. 177}
What is also lacking are studies
specifically addressing the digitalization trends of the Mediterranean region as a whole but
also empirical research focusing on specific Mediterranean clusters, such as the EuroMed area
or the Southern Med area.
With this gap in mind, the goal of this
chapter is to understand – through a comparative lens – how COVID-19 affected the ongoing
processes of digitalization in the nine Mediterranean countries in the informal group called
EuroMed 9, namely Portugal, Spain, France, Italy, Greece, Cyprus, Malta, Slovenia and
Croatia). Indeed, this choice takes account of the fact that, within the Mediterranean region,
the internal socio-economic dynamics of each EU country as well as cooperation among EuroMed
nations are pivotal in shaping the broader relations and interdependences with other Med
countries, notably those belonging to the Southern Med area.
Moreover, as far as digitalization is
concerned, EU policies are worthy of attention, as they are moving in the direction of
eliminating imbalances in the levels of current digitalization among the various countries.
This lack of homogeneity is more marked among Southern European countries which are
paradoxically more similar in terms of institutional models, socio-economic structure and
cultural values.
To this end, we relied on longitudinal
digitalization data produced by the European Union and measured through the so-called Digital
Economy and Society Index (DESI), which is a comprehensive measure of data related to
individual EU member states reflecting different dimensions of digitalization. Moreover,
qualitative data (based on technical reports, working papers, official documents, etc.)
related to each country included in the quantitative analysis are used to support the
interpretation of results.
As underlined by Faraj, Renno and
Bhardwaj [2021], beyond revealing the advantages of digitalization for firms and societies,
COVID-19 has also challenged taken-for-granted expectations about it and placed some key
issues at centre stage, such as uneven access to digital technologies and their unprecedented
massive use for surveillance in the private and public spheres. This means that COVID-19 has
added new urgency to concerns about digital gaps at various levels (e.g., firms and nations)
as well as privacy and digital security. The chapter may help to develop a more
¶{p. 178}objective understanding of the effects produced by digitalization on
various aspects of the economy and societies, avoiding the drift towards excessively
optimistic or pessimistic perspectives.
Moreover, it will contribute to
advancing the existing literature on digitalization that relies on DESI variables by focusing
on a still under-researched geographical area and by overcoming the prevailing cross-sectional
approach adopted by scholars.
On the practical side, the chapter
yields insights into Mediterranean economies as the authors shed light on aspects that may
influence the current imbalance among EuroMed countries in their level of digitalization and
support the implementation of the Strategic Programme for the Digital Decade, which guides
Europe’s digital transformation by setting concrete goals and targets for 2030. Since
measurement of the digital socio-economic transformation can be used to monitor progress over
time and compare the digital performance of Euro Med countries, our study provides insights to
guide policy making towards more balanced digital development and the progressive reduction of
performance gaps between more and less digitally advanced countries.
The chapter is structured as follows. In
section 1 we describe the paradigm of the digital economy and society and introduce the DESI.
Section 2 offers an overview of international research carried out by using the DESI or
related sub-dimensions. In section 3 we describe the methods adopted to perform empirical
analysis of the digitalization patterns and trends in the EuroMed area.
Section 4 contains the results of the
analysis and their discussion while section 5 provides conclusions and suggests policy
implications arising from the results.
1. Digital transformation of the economy and society as a policy priority in Europe
1.1. Digital economy and digital society
Digital technologies and connectivity
are rapidly reshaping our economic and social activities as they are increasingly mediated
by computers, algorithms and electronic interactions. Digital technologies range from highly
«intangible» or «computational» ¶{p. 179}technologies based on data
processing, such as artificial intelligence, cloud computing, big data analytics and machine
learning, to those with a significant physical component, including robots, drones and
additive manufacturing/3D printing [Ciarli et al. 2021].
By digital economy we mean an economy
based on internet and digital technologies. It supersedes the old «information economy»
since information flows change their nature from physical to digital, being transformed into
bits stored in computers and transferred synchronously to any place in the world [Carlsson
2004]. Accordingly, the digital economy refers to the ongoing transformation of all economic
activities by the digitalization of information [Brynjolfsson and Kahin 2000]. The backbone
of the digital economy includes the physical infrastructure, technological devices to access
the internet, and the applications and functionalities they offer [Dahlman et
al. 2016].
The digital society is the end result
of profound changes produced by digital technologies in all areas of modern society, such as
living, working, education and recreation [Dufva and Dufva 2019].
Digital society and digital economy
are intertwined, since a digital society is the mandatory social environment for the
formation and development of the digital economy [Osipov et al. 2019].
The formation of the digital society
depends on the population’s digital literacy, i.e. their level of digital skills, which is
influenced by several factors, such as accessibility to higher education, quality of higher
education and public financing of education [Osipov et al. 2019].
Within the acknowledged importance of
processes of digitalization and digital transformation, the European Commission and EU
Member States are showing increasing attention to technological and digital developments of
the economy and society in the EU. The publication «Shaping Europe’s Digital Future»,
published in February 2020, stresses the need for citizens, employees and business people to
reap the benefits of digital technologies and the urgency of empowering EU society with
digital solutions strongly rooted in Member States’ common values. Consistent with the
above, three key objectives are set to be achieved by 2025 to enable digital transformation
and sustain European technological sovereignty:
¶{p. 180}