¶{p. 161}demand shocks took place, global supply chains were disrupted. The use of export restrictions to ensure food security re-emerged in a similar way to the quantitative restrictions during the price spikes of 2007-2008 [Martin and Glauber 2020], in addition to governmental support to the farming sector, and more flexible import restrictions [Hepburn et al. 2021]. In heavy net food importing countries(such as Egypt, Jordan, Palestine and Yemen), food prices surged because of the heavy import dependency, especially in cereals. The burden is heavier for countries that subsidize wheat flour and bread (such as Egypt), as they will have to increase their subsidies due to rising import prices. In several MENA countries, households had to face several challenges that affected their food purchase and consumption. According to the household survey results on difficulties related to getting food summarized in figure 8, 81 per cent of surveyed households in Tunisia reported being unable to buy the usual quantity of food because its price had increased and 77 per cent because household income decreased. Moreover, 60 per cent of the households had to cope by reducing their food consumption. At the same time, 59 per cent reported reduced food purchases due to supply shortages and 39 per cent due to restrictions imposed by the government on the mobility of people and/or market closures. In Morocco, the impact of COVID-19 on food security appears to be less severe, with only 9 per cent of the surveyed households reporting shortages in markets. In Morocco, the government responded to the crisis by adopting a more liberal approach, compared to other countries in the region. Tariffs were reduced on wheat, lentils, chickpeas, and beans [Mandour 2021]. Despite these measures, 50 per cent of the surveyed households reported an increase in prices, and 54 per cent reported a drop in their income that led to decreased food purchases. Nearly one third of the surveyed households had to adopt negative coping mechanisms by reducing their food intake. In the case of Jordan, shortages in markets and mobility issues also appear to be less of a challenge, while reduced food purchases due to increase in food prices and decrease in household income affected 50 per cent and 54 per cent, respectively. Among the surveyed households, 39 per cent had to cope with the effects of the pandemic by reducing their food intake. The picture looks slightly better for Egypt, where 10 per cent reported having difficulties accessing food because ¶{p. 162}of mobility restrictions and 21 per cent reported shortages in the market. Egypt has implemented some export prohibitions on beans and lentils, expanded cash transfers and increased consumer subsidies to tackle both availability and access to food (ibidem). However, a share of 43 per cent and 46 per cent of the surveyed households reported a reduction in food consumption due to price surges and income drops, respectively. Finally, 44 per cent had to adopt negative coping mechanisms.