Mediterranean Economies 2023
DOI: 10.1401/9788815411167/c3
3.Economic consequences for Spain and
Italy of export disruption to Russia by Yolanda Pena-Boquete, Ivan Sergio and Maria Seredenko
Notizie Autori
Yolanda Pena-Boquete AYeconomics Research Centre, Spain
(y.penaboquete@ayeconomics.com).
Notizie Autori
Ivan Sergio University of Salerno (isergio@unisa.it).
Notizie Autori
Maria Seredenko University of Naples Parthenope (maria.
seredenko@gmail.com).
Abstract
The Ukrainian war has intensified
tensions between Russian and European authorities,
leading to one-year stop in exports to Russia. This
chapter is focused on the implications of export
disruptions for Spain and Italy. The authorsʼ
analysis offers valuable insights for policymakers
to identify the sectors that may face the greatest
consequences and explores alternative solutions and
compensatory measures.
Introduction
The conflict between
Ukraine and Russia, which began in February 2022, heightened
tensions between Russian and European authorities. In response,
the European Commission implemented economic sanctions on Russia
as an initial step, with the intention of encouraging the
withdrawal of Russian troops from Ukraine. In the meantime, over
700 companies decided to halt their operations or exports in
Russia, expressing their stance against the war and focusing on
trade with other countries. These international companies belong
to several sectors, such as the textiles sector like Inditex,
Decathlon or Adidas and food services like Burger King.
In the case of the
European Commission, several restrictive measures were published
in different packages from 23rd February 2022 to 25th February
2023, to limit trade with Russia
[1]
. The objective of isolating Russia led the European
Union (EU) to adopt further sanctions, targeting key sources of
profit in sectors such as energy, technology, finance and
transportation. These measures also deprived Russia of key trade
advantages as a World Trade Organisation (WTO) member. As in the
past, these actions had a direct and/or indirect impact on the
EU’s economy, varying in intensity among member states, which
had to react to the new market dynamics. It is important to note
that the COVID-19 pandemic, which emerged in 2019, added another
layer of complexity to the economic challenges already created
by the sanctions and bans. The outbreak of COVID-19
¶{p. 92}and the measures taken worldwide to
combat the pandemic have caused substantial disruptions in
global supply chains, resulting in adverse effects on supply
chain linkages and export activity for companies engaged in
international trade. These negative impacts were particularly
notable between September 2020 and the end of 2021, as
disruptions to global supply chains continued to intensify
[Lebastard, Matani and Serafini 2023], thereby contributing to a
slowdown in the pace of export recovery between Russia and the
EU.
The effects of the
sanctions in particular and the conflict in general were felt in
European and Mediterranean economies in various ways: there was
a reduction in international trade, an increase in energy
prices, and uncertainty affecting household and firm decisions
[Qintana 2022]. In addition to such long-term effects, European
restrictions on trade have had direct consequences in the short
term for exporting companies in the European Union as well as
for the companies’ suppliers of exporters with Russia as the
main market.
In the short term,
the immediate repercussions of halting exports to Russia for
exporting EU companies can have significant ramifications on
their financial performance, entailing a sudden decline in
revenue and profits, leading to potential financial instability.
Moreover, such companies may be compelled to implement
cost-saving measures, which could include downsizing and
shedding part of their workforce.
Furthermore, the
disruption in trade with Russia may present challenges for
exporters in identifying and accessing alternative markets for
their products. This can further compound the adverse effects on
their income streams and overall business operations.
Additionally, the suppliers of such companies, which heavily
rely on the Russian market, may also face direct consequences.
They may witness a substantial decrease in demand for their
goods or services, resulting in reduced revenue and potential
financial strain.
Overall, the
immediate direct consequences of halting exports to Russia have
significant implications for the financial viability and
sustainability of EU exporters, as well as the economic
stability of their associated supply chains. European exporting
companies may strive to improve their productivity levels as a
means of mitigating the short-term impact of the crisis.
However, the effectiveness of such measures will depend on
various ¶{p. 93}factors, including the specific
industry, resource availability and the competitive landscape in
the global market. Importantly, productivity improvements often
need substantial investments and time, which may not be feasible
for all companies in the short term. Therefore, while
productivity enhancements may provide a potential solution,
their universal applicability in mitigating the impact of the
crisis on European exporters cannot be guaranteed.
Economic sanctions on
Russia are important from the European Union’s political point
of view, and one of the few tools that Europe can use to reduce
the probability of military conflicts within EU borders, which
would have major social, political and economic consequences.
For this reason, to implement the restrictions and mitigate the
direct and indirect effects of a complete suspension of exports
to Russia, it is essential to anticipate the potential
consequences for Spain and Italy and develop policies to address
them.
While the complete
closure of trade between Europe and Russia will lead to a
decline in direct exports from Spain and Italy, it is equally
important to assess the magnitude of the indirect impact of
export firms’ suppliers. Multisectoral models based on
input-output tables [Miller and Blair 2009] allow us to
calculate the direct and indirect effects caused by the export
stoppage to Russia
[2]
. Thus, the aim of this paper is to estimate lost
production and job opportunities in Italy and Spain arising from
companies and their suppliers that can no longer export to
Russia. It is worth noting that many Spanish and Italian
companies had already faced significant operational restrictions
in dealing with the Russian market, particularly after the
Russian invasion of Crimea in 2014. As a result, the complete
closure of the Russian relationship may have a mitigated effect
on these countries.
Europe is expected
to suffer severe economic consequences due to the ongoing
conflict, particularly as it is still recovering from the
COVID-19 pandemic. This research examines the year 2021, which
marks the resumption of economic activity following the pandemic
crisis. This enables us to assess the impact on the economies of
Italy and Spain resulting from the disruption of trade with
Russia subsequent to the onset of the conflict with
Ukraine.¶{p. 94}
The impact of the
COVID-19 pandemic on Spain’ s trade has been significant,
particularly in key sectors such as transport equipment, capital
goods, outdoor goods and tourism, which are all critical for
Spanish exports. Spain’s total exports contracted by 31 per
cent, a more substantial reduction compared to the average
decrease of 17.6 per cent observed in the other 22 EU member
states. Similarly, Italy also experienced a significant decline
in trade due to the COVID-19 pandemic, with a 9.5 per cent
decrease in total exports during 2020 compared to the previous
year. The automotive, fashion and machinery industries bore the
brunt of the impact.
While the recovery
of the tourism industry, a significant component of both Spain
and Italy’s service exports, is likely to be prolonged, subject
to effectively addressing health risks and enhancing
international perceptions of the health situation, the trade in
goods is expected to recover more quickly once health risks
subside [Minondo 2021].
This paper examines
the consequences of a one-year suspension of exports from Italy
and Spain to Russia, with a primary focus on export effects. By
differentiating the effects of exports from other potential
impacts, such as reductions in imports or energy prices, this
paper provides valuable insights for policymakers in identifying
the sectors that may be most affected and exploring alternative
solutions and compensatory measures. Our results show that Italy
would be more affected than Spain by the exporting disruption to
Russia, and it is important to identify the sectors that
experience higher reductions in production, value-added or
employment. The outcomes of this research must be interpreted
with caution, as they are based on some assumptions and
limitations. However, policymakers can use this information to
develop targeted measures and strategies to alleviate the impact
of the halt in exports, such as finding alternative markets,
promoting diversification of industries or products, or
providing support and incentives to affected sectors.
This article is
divided into four sections. The second section provides a
literature review, while the third section outlines our
methodology and database. In the fourth section, we present our
results, and in the final section, we draw our
conclusions.¶{p. 95}
1. Literature review
The relationship
between Russia and the EU officially began to deteriorate in
2014, following the crisis in Ukraine. A war of sanctions and
reciprocal bans ensued, leading to a complete deterioration in
2022 with the start of the Russian «special operation» in
Ukrainian territory.
In the summer of
2014, the EU imposed restrictive measures targeting various
sectors such as finance, arms, dual-use goods, and specific
technologies for oil production and exploration. In response,
Russia implemented a political ban on imports of various EU
agricultural and food products. These actions had a negative
economic impact on both sides, considering the significant
volumes of trade. In 2013 Russia was the EU’s third largest
trading partner, accounting for 9.5 per cent of total exports
and being the second largest for agri-food exports.
Conversely, the EU
was Russia’s most important trading partner, representing 46.5
per cent of total exports [European Parliament 2014; House of
Lords 2015].
With the new
scenario, the European agricultural sector came under pressure,
affecting the income of millions of people due to the loss of an
important market and having significant implications for the EU
energy sector, as gas and oil shipments crossing Ukraine faced
difficulties. In 2013, Spain generated more than $51 billion in
revenue from exporting agricultural, fish and forestry products,
and Russia was the second-largest non-EU market with sales
valued at $0.8 billion.
Nevertheless, Spain
was one of the six countries worst affected when Russia
prohibited particular agri-food goods from the EU in 2014,
losing about $420 million, which represents 6.4 per cent of
total banned EU products. Despite only 1.8 per cent of Spain’s
agricultural exports being directly impacted, the oversupply of
goods on the EU market had an indirect influence on prices.
Conversely, the swine industry responded positively to the
Russian embargo as Russia had already banned European pork since
January 2014, leading to a 15 per cent surge in exports to
alternative markets [GAIN Report 2014]. Italy is known for being
heavily reliant on exports and having a wide range of trading
partners. As a result, the impact of trade disruption with a
single country is usually absorbed by the overall economy,
¶{p. 96}although some sectors may be more
greatly affected than others, and smaller companies, in
particular, may have suffered more. In particular, the EU-Russia
trade ban had a significant impact on Italy’s primary sector:
Italy’s exports of primary sector products to Russia fell by
approximately 33 per cent from around $126 million in 2013 to
just $79 million in 2014. In 2014, Italian exports to Russia
fell by 11.8 per cent from the previous year.